NC Regulators Weigh Duke Energy Progress Rate Settlement That the Company Calls a 6.8% Residential Increase and the Attorney General Calls 9.3%
Duke Energy Progress and Duke Energy Carolinas each filed settlements this summer cutting their original rate requests; both now sit with the North Carolina Utilities Commission, and Attorney General Jeff Jackson declined to sign either one.
The Same Deal, Two Different Numbers
Duke Energy's president testified under oath that the new rate settlement would raise the average North Carolina residential bill by 6.8% over two years[7][10]. The state's attorney general looked at the same document and put the number at 9.3%[8][9][10]. Neither side disputes the settlement's terms. They disagree about how to describe them to the people who will pay them.
The gap matters because North Carolina regulators are close to deciding whether to approve it. Duke Energy Progress, which serves eastern North Carolina and the Asheville area, filed its settlement with the North Carolina Utilities Commission on Aug. 5, 2026[5][18]. Its sister utility, Duke Energy Carolinas, which covers Charlotte, the Triad and the western Piedmont, filed a similar deal on July 17[5][6]. Both trimmed requests that had drawn pushback since November.
Where the Two Sides Actually Agree
Start with what nobody contests. Both utilities filed for new rates on the same day, Nov. 20, 2025, each asking for roughly a 15% jump in revenue over two years[4][15]. Each wanted a 10.95% return on equity, the profit rate regulators let a utility earn on the portion of its investment funded by shareholders[4][15].
That number, return on equity, is the fight underneath the fight. A power company can't set its own prices the way a normal business can — regulators set them instead. So regulators also set how much profit the company gets to earn on the money it puts into new plants and wires. Set that rate too low, and investors go elsewhere, or the company has to pay more to borrow, and those extra borrowing costs land on customers anyway, just later[5]. Set it too high, and customers overpay for years.
By the time Duke Energy Progress reached a settlement in August, that ask had come down to a 9.8% return on equity, built on a retail rate base of about $17.8 billion[5]. Both companies also agreed not to seek any more base rate increases before Nov. 1, 2028, on the Progress side[5]. Attorney General Jeff Jackson declined to sign either settlement[7][23].
Why a Democrat's Number Ran on a Conservative Website
The clearest sign this isn't a normal left-right fight: Carolina Journal, published by the free-market John Locke Foundation, ran a headline built entirely around Jackson's disputed 9.3% figure[9]. That's a Democratic attorney general's number, amplified by a right-leaning outlet. The shared instinct isn't partisan. It's distrust of a monopoly that customers can't just switch away from, and of the commission overseeing it.
Public radio and left-leaning outlets took a different tack. WUNC's headline said Duke "halves its rate hike request"[6][13]. Axios wrote that Duke "reaches settlement to lower its proposed rate increase[13]." Both are accurate. Both also measure the deal against Duke's own opening ask, which is the comparison that makes the company look most generous — not against what customers were already paying.
NC Newsline, part of the left-leaning States Newsroom network, leaned on environmental advocates and a Democratic legislator, giving less space to the settlement's actual signers[12]. Those signers — the Public Staff, industrial customers, and some clean-energy groups — rarely get top billing anywhere, even though their reasoning is central to why a deal exists at all.
The Agency Whose Name Nobody Uses
That's the Public Staff, a separate state agency whose entire job is representing residential and business customers in cases like this one[6]. It isn't the attorney general's office, and it isn't Duke. It's the party that actually negotiated the cuts — the lower return on equity, the reduced capital spending, a $10 million shareholder-funded fund for low-income bill assistance[6][7].
Its case for settling instead of fighting in a hearing room is straightforward: a negotiated deal locks in real, specific cuts now. A fully litigated case could end anywhere, since the commission isn't bound by what either side asks for[6][11]. Industrial customers and some clean-energy groups signed on too, partly because the deal opens a faster path to new rules on how data centers and other huge power users pay for their own share of the grid[7][14].
Jackson's office sees it differently. As an elected official, not an agency, he argues a deal signed by the Public Staff, industrial users, and trade groups doesn't necessarily speak for an ordinary household[7][23]. He says the settlement still gives Duke more than it needs, on top of what he calls an inaccurate public description of what residents will pay[7][8]. Not signing keeps his office free to contest the deal before the commission, or in court, the way earlier Duke rate orders have been challenged[17].
What Shows Up on the Bill
Set the percentages aside for a second, because the dollar figures are where this becomes concrete. Under the Progress settlement, a home using 1,000 kilowatt-hours a month would pay about $9.62 more starting in January 2027, then about $5.89 more on top of that starting in January 2028[3][11]. That's real money, but it's a fraction of what the original filing would have cost: Duke's first ask would have pushed a typical Progress bill from $163.84 to $186.95 a month, a $23.11 jump[4].
So how do two truthful numbers, 6.8% and 9.3%, describe the same deal? Duke's figure averages the increase across every customer class the utility serves — residential, commercial, and industrial together[7][8]. The attorney general's figure isolates residential customers only, and adds up the increases across both years rather than reporting them separately[7][8][10]. Both are real calculations. They just answer different questions, and Duke's version is the one that produces the smaller headline number.
One more date sits underneath all of this. Duke's two Carolina utilities, Progress and Carolinas, are set to merge on Jan. 1, 2027 — the same day any new rates would take effect[7][15]. That merger has already ccleared its own regulatory hurdles: the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission approved it Jan. 30, 2026, and the North Carolina and South Carolina utilities commissions signed off by late April[7][15][24]. It doesn't depend on how this rate case turns out. But it does help explain why Duke wants a clean, settled result on a predictable timetable rather than a drawn-out fight.
What's Still Unsettled
Neither settlement is final. The North Carolina Utilities Commission can approve either one as written, reject it, or rewrite the terms itself — it isn't bound by any party's numbers, including the Public Staff's or Duke's[6][11]. Coverage points to a commission decision expected sometime this fall, with one public radio report noting a deadline tied to the November filing that falls around Sept. 20, 2026[6][11][19].
Until the commission rules, the 6.8% and 9.3% figures will keep circulating side by side, each accurate on its own terms. What isn't in dispute is the direction: bills are going up in January 2027, by a smaller amount than Duke first proposed, and by an amount larger than zero.
Summary
Duke Energy's two North Carolina utilities are trying to raise electric rates. Duke Energy Progress serves much of eastern North Carolina and the Asheville area. Duke Energy Carolinas serves Charlotte, the Triad and the western Piedmont. Both filed their requests with the North Carolina Utilities Commission on Nov. 20, 2025, asking for roughly a 15% increase in revenue over two years[4][15]. Public witness hearings — the sessions where ordinary customers speak — were scheduled in January 2026 and held that spring, starting in Raleigh on March 30[1][2]. Expert witness hearings, where lawyers question paid witnesses under oath, resumed in August 2026[3].
Both companies then cut their asks. Duke Energy Carolinas filed a settlement on July 17, 2026[6]. Duke Energy Progress filed its own on Aug. 5, 2026[5][18]. The deals were struck with the Public Staff, a separate state agency inside the commission that represents customers, along with industrial users and some clean-energy groups[11][18]. Attorney General Jeff Jackson refused to sign either one. He says the smaller increase is still more than the company needs[7].
The sharpest open dispute is about a number. Duke Energy Progress President Kendal Bowman testified that residential customers would pay about 6.8% more over two years[7][10]. Jackson's office ran its own math and says the real figure for households is 9.3%[8][9][10]. Both sides are describing the same settlement. In dollars, the settlement would add about $9.62 a month starting in January 2027 for a home using 1,000 kilowatt-hours, then about $5.89 more in January 2028[3][11].
One caution about the framing of this story. The assignment described Sept. 15 public witness hearings in the Duke Energy Progress case, with the Carolinas case awaiting a ruling in parallel. The public record I could find does not support that split. Public witness hearings in the Progress case were held in the spring, the expert hearing began Aug. 11, and Progress filed its own settlement on Aug. 5[1][2][3][5]. Both cases now sit with the commission awaiting orders. I found no source documenting a Sept. 15, 2026 hearing. One public radio report notes the commission faces a decision deadline of Sept. 20, 2026, counting from the November filing[19]; other coverage says a final order is expected this fall[6][11].
The Event
Duke Energy Progress filed a Comprehensive Revenue Requirement Settlement with the North Carolina Utilities Commission on Aug. 5, 2026, in its pending general rate case[5][18]. The settlement sets a 9.8% return on equity on a 53% equity capital structure, uses a retail rate base of about $17.8 billion, includes about $3.4 billion of capital in a multi-year rate plan with an annual refund mechanism, and commits the company to evaluate not filing a new base rate case before Nov. 1, 2028[5]. Expert witness hearings in the case resumed before the commission on Aug. 11, 2026[3][12]. Attorney General Jeff Jackson declined to sign the settlement and said on Aug. 13, 2026, that the residential increase is 9.3% over two years rather than the 6.8% Duke's president had testified to[7][8][10].
Undisputed Facts
- Duke Energy Carolinas and Duke Energy Progress each filed general rate case applications with the North Carolina Utilities Commission on Nov. 20, 2025[4][15].
- The original filings asked for about a 15% revenue increase over two years and a 10.95% return on equity, keeping a capital structure of 53% equity[4][15].
- Regulators released the public hearing schedule on Jan. 27, 2026, and the first public witness hearing was held in Raleigh on March 30, 2026[1][2].
- Duke Energy Carolinas filed a comprehensive settlement on July 17, 2026; Duke Energy Progress filed its own on Aug. 5, 2026[5][6].
- The Duke Energy Progress settlement sets a 9.8% return on equity and includes a commitment to evaluate a one-year stay-out, under which the company would not file a new base rate case before Nov. 1, 2028[5].
- Attorney General Jeff Jackson declined to sign both the Duke Energy Carolinas settlement and the Duke Energy Progress settlement[7][23].
- Duke Energy Progress President Kendal Bowman testified the residential increase would be about 6.8% over two years; the Attorney General's office says its own calculation shows 9.3%[7][8][10].
- Duke Energy Progress and Duke Energy Carolinas are set to merge effective Jan. 1, 2027, the same date new rates would start. That merger is a separate regulatory proceeding from the rate cases and has already received the needed approvals: FERC approved it Jan. 30, 2026, and the North Carolina and South Carolina utilities commissions approved it by late April 2026[7][15][24].
The Pressure
Strip away the moralizing and blame. What structural realities persist regardless of which narrative wins?
- Capital in, recovery out
- Duke is in a heavy building cycle driven by load growth and plant replacement[14][16]. The money is spent years before it is collected. Every regulated utility in that position needs approved cost recovery and a profit rate high enough to keep borrowing cheap. That structural need does not change with the rhetoric on either side[5].
- A settlement is leverage, not agreement
- The Public Staff settled because a negotiated outcome is certain and a litigated one is not[6]. The attorney general refused to sign because refusing preserves his ability to contest and appeal[7][23]. Both are rational positions for their institutional roles, and neither proves the number is right or wrong.
- Percentages are a choice
- Average-across-all-customers, residential-only, annual, and cumulative are four different true numbers from the same order. In the Carolinas case, coverage reported both a 3.7% average over two years and year-by-year residential increases of 5.9% in 2027 and 3.6% in 2028 — which compound to roughly 9.7% by our own arithmetic on those figures[6]. The Progress case shows the same pattern with 6.8% and 9.3%[7][8]. The sources consulted here do not spell out the full reconciliation of Duke's and the AG's Progress figures.
- The merger clock
- The Progress and Carolinas utilities are set to merge on Jan. 1, 2027, the same day new rates would start[7][15]. Duke has projected customer savings from the merger, at figures it has revised upward over time[15]. That deadline pushes toward resolving both rate cases in the fall.
Material realityTwo rate cases filed the same day, on the same 10.95% return-on-equity ask, have both been settled down — Carolinas on July 17, Progress on Aug. 5, with the Progress deal landing at a 9.8% ROE on a roughly $17.8 billion rate base[5][6]. Neither settlement is approved. The North Carolina Utilities Commission can accept, reject, or change them, and it is not bound by any party's numbers[6][11]. Either way, bills for the typical Duke Energy Progress household go up in January 2027 — about $9.62 a month under the settlement, with about $5.89 more a year later[3][11]. That is far below the $23.11 the original filing would have added[4], and it is still an increase. The commission's composition and its handling of recusal questions have themselves been contested in past Duke cases, including a state Supreme Court ruling upholding an earlier rate increase[17][19].
Narrative as a weaponThree parties are actively shaping how this is read. Duke wants the comparison to be its own opening ask, so every concession reads as a cut — "halved," "nearly in half," ROE down from 10.95% to 9.8%. The attorney general wants the comparison to be your current bill, and wants the residential cumulative figure, not the all-customer average, to be the number you remember; his office issued a release specifically to reframe 6.8% as 9.3%. Advocacy groups on both flanks — Energy and Policy Institute and the Sierra Club on one side, business and industrial intervenors on the other — want the fight defined as being about who pays for data-center growth. The Public Staff, which is the actual statutory customer advocate and which signed, gets the least airtime of anyone, and its reasoning is the piece most often missing from coverage. Finally, note that this story's own assigned premise — Sept. 15 public witness hearings in the Progress case while the Carolinas case awaits a ruling — does not match the record we could find, and readers should treat any hearing date not tied to a commission notice with caution.
How Each Side Sees It
Each major actor’s view — how it frames things, its underlying incentive, and how it’s materially affected. Tap a side to read it.
Frames it asDuke argues it is being asked to build a lot of power fast. Demand from data centers and manufacturing is rising, and old plants are being replaced[14][16]. That construction is paid for up front by investors, then recovered from customers over decades. The key term is return on equity, or ROE. A regulated monopoly cannot set its own prices, so the commission sets the profit rate it may earn on the shareholder-funded share of its investment. That set rate is what makes utility stock and debt worth buying. Duke's case is that if regulators push the ROE too low, its credit rating slips, it pays more to borrow, and customers end up paying for that costlier debt in later years. It came down from 10.95% to 9.8% in the Progress settlement and says that, plus the multi-year plan's refund mechanism, gives customers protection while keeping the company financeable[5][18]. It also stresses that the deal was signed by the Public Staff, industrial customers and clean-energy groups — parties that usually fight it[11][18].
WhyDuke wants predictable, approved recovery of a very large capital program on the same Jan. 1, 2027 date its Carolinas-Progress merger takes effect[15]. The merger itself is a separate docket that has already cleared FERC (Jan. 30, 2026) and the North Carolina and South Carolina utilities commissions (by late April 2026)[24], so it is not contingent on this rate case's outcome; Duke's incentive here is a clean, litigation-free rate result on its own terms, and settling with the Public Staff reduces the risk of a worse litigated order.
Impact on themThe ROE drop from 10.95% to 9.8% and the cuts to proposed capital lower what shareholders earn compared with the original ask[5][6]. The stay-out commitment also means the company absorbs cost increases until at least late 2028 without a new base rate case[5].
Frames it asJackson's argument is that a smaller increase is not automatically a fair one. He says the settlement still gives Duke more than it needs to cover its investments[7]. His second argument is about disclosure: he says the company told the public 6.8% when households will actually pay 9.3%, and that regulators should not approve a deal the public misunderstands[8][9][10]. His third is institutional. He is an elected statewide official; the Public Staff is an agency. He argues that a settlement signed by the Public Staff, industrial users and trade groups does not speak for residential customers, which is why he intervened separately and did not sign[7][23].
WhyJackson has a statutory role representing using and consuming public in rate cases, and an electoral one. Utility bills are a live pocketbook issue, and his office frames its work in dollars saved — it said its second intervention aimed to save families another $960 million[23].
Impact on themNot signing keeps his office free to contest the settlement before the commission and to appeal. A commission order approving the deal over his objection is the outcome he would be positioned to challenge in court, as prior Duke rate orders have been[17].
Frames it asThe Public Staff is a separate state agency whose job is to represent the using and consuming public in these dockets. Its case for settling is that a negotiated deal locked in concrete cuts — a lower ROE, reduced revenue guarantees, and specific reductions in proposed capital spending — that a litigated fight might not have won[6]. It also secured a $10 million shareholder-funded contribution to bill-assistance and weatherization programs, money that does not come from ratepayers[6][7]. Industrial customers and some clean-energy groups signed for a related reason: the deal opens a faster process for writing new rules on data centers and other very large power users, so those customers carry more of their own costs[7][14].
WhyCertainty. A settlement produces a known outcome on a known schedule; a fully litigated case can end anywhere, and the commission is not bound by either side's numbers.
Impact on themIf the commission approves the settlements, the Public Staff's negotiated terms become the operative rates for 2027 and 2028. If the commission rejects or modifies them, its leverage in the next case is reduced.
Frames it asCustomers do not speak with one voice, but the public witness hearings and advocacy groups surfaced a consistent set of points. Bills are the thing people actually experience, not percentages. Critics, including the Sierra Club and NC Newsline's sources, argue that households are being asked to prepay for infrastructure built largely for industrial and data-center growth[12][20]. Advocacy group Energy and Policy Institute, which is funded to scrutinize utilities, points to rising disconnections as evidence that current bills already exceed what some customers can pay[17].
WhyLower monthly bills, and reliable service during heat and cold events.
Impact on themUnder the Duke Energy Progress settlement, a home using 1,000 kilowatt-hours a month would pay about $9.62 more starting January 2027, then about $5.89 more starting January 2028[3][11]. For scale, the original filing would have taken a typical Progress residential bill from $163.84 to $186.95 a month, a jump of $23.11[4]. The settlement is well under that, but it is still an increase on top of an already-rising bill.
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The Bias Ledger average rating 4.1
The same story, as framed by outlets across the spectrum, ordered least to most biased. The bias score (1 = straight, 10 = heavily spun) is an AI assessment of that framing — click an outlet to see its track record. The tell is the word choice or omission that reveals the angle.
| Outlet | Vantage | Bias | How they frame it | The tell |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| WITN | U.S. center (local commercial TV, eastern North Carolina) | 2 | "Attorney general rejects Duke Energy Progress settlement over 6.8% rate hike" and "Attorney general says Duke Energy Progress customers could see 9.3% rate increase" | Close to straight wire-style reporting: it states the AG's claim as the AG's claim and attaches the date and the testimony it responds to. The main gap is that it does not reconcile the two percentages for the reader. |
| WUNC | U.S. center-left (public radio) | 3 | "Duke Energy Carolinas halves its rate hike request in new settlement" | "Halves" is accurate and also flattering — it measures the deal against Duke's own opening ask rather than against today's bills. The story then balances it with critics, but the verb in the headline is the company's preferred comparison. |
| Axios | U.S. center | 3 | "Duke Energy reaches settlement to lower its proposed rate increase" | "To lower its proposed rate increase" is technically right and directionally soothing. A reader skimming the headline could come away thinking rates are going down. |
| Carolina Journal | U.S. right (published by the free-market John Locke Foundation) | 4 | "AG: Duke residential rate increase is 9.3%, not 6.8%" | A right-leaning outlet leading with a Democratic attorney general's number. The frame here is not partisan — it is distrust of a state-sanctioned monopoly and of the regulators overseeing it. The headline hands the disputed figure to the AG without giving Duke's method equal space in the top line. |
| Business North Carolina | U.S. center-right business press | 4 | "Duke agrees to partial rate-case settlement" | "Agrees" frames the utility as the conceding party and treats the docket as a deal-making story. Household bill impact is downstream of the transaction, not the lead. |
| NC Newsline | U.S. left (States Newsroom, a nonprofit network funded largely by progressive donors) | 5 | "NC environmentalists continue pushing back on Duke Energy rate hike" / "NC AG Jackson rejects Duke Energy's proposed rate increase" | Sourcing runs through environmental advocates and a Democratic legislator. The settlement's signers — the Public Staff, industrial customers, some clean-energy groups — get less room, which makes the opposition look broader than the docket shows. |
| Energy and Policy Institute | U.S. left-of-center utility-accountability advocacy group, funded by foundations; not a newsroom | 8 | "Duke Energy seeks higher rates, profits in NC despite soaring disconnections" and "Amid financial conflicts and recusal concerns, NC Supreme Court upholds Duke Energy rate hike" | "Despite soaring disconnections" and "amid financial conflicts" are causal frames stated as context. The group does original document work that reporters use, but it exists to make the case against utility rate increases and should be read that way. |
References
- North Carolina regulators release public hearing schedule for Duke Energy rate hikes — WUNC · U.S. center-left public radio
- Public hearing set March 30 in Raleigh on Duke Energy Progress rate request — WCTI · U.S. center, local commercial TV (Sinclair-affiliated)
- Duke Energy rate hike hearings resume in NC. How much could your power bill increase? — WRAL · U.S. center, Capitol Broadcasting-owned local TV
- 2025 Duke Energy Carolinas and Duke Energy Progress Rate Request — Duke Energy · the regulated utility itself — a party to the case
- Duke Energy Progress, LLC Form 8-K — Comprehensive Revenue Requirement Settlement — U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (EDGAR) · primary source — a company filing made under federal disclosure law
- Duke Energy Carolinas halves its rate hike request in new settlement — WUNC · U.S. center-left public radio
- Attorney General Jeff Jackson Won't Sign Second Duke Energy Settlement That Will Cost Families 6.8% in Rate Hikes — North Carolina Department of Justice · primary source — official release from a Democratic elected attorney general who is a party to the case
- Duke Energy Gave Incorrect Residential Rate Increase; Families to Pay 9.3% More, Not 6.8% — North Carolina Department of Justice · primary source — official release from a party to the case
- AG: Duke residential rate increase is 9.3%, not 6.8% — Carolina Journal · U.S. right — published by the free-market John Locke Foundation
- Attorney general says Duke Energy Progress customers could see 9.3% rate increase — WITN · U.S. center, local commercial TV (Gray Media)
- Duke Energy cuts proposed rate hike nearly in half as NC regulators weigh settlement — CBS 17 · U.S. center, Nexstar-owned local TV
- NC environmentalists continue pushing back on Duke Energy rate hike — NC Newsline · U.S. left — States Newsroom, nonprofit funded largely by progressive donors
- Duke Energy reaches settlement to lower its proposed rate increase — Axios · U.S. center
- The Duke Energy settlement is just the beginning for North Carolina's data center energy policy — Environmental Defense Fund · U.S. environmental advocacy group; an intervenor-aligned party, not a newsroom
- Duke Energy proposes merging its Carolina utilities, driving $3.2B in estimated savings — Utility Dive · U.S. industry trade press, advertiser-supported
- Duke Energy announces nearly $1 billion in profits, plans to merge its two main NC utilities — WFAE · U.S. center-left public radio
- Amid financial conflicts and recusal concerns, NC Supreme Court upholds Duke Energy rate hike — Energy and Policy Institute · U.S. left-of-center utility-accountability advocacy group, foundation-funded
- Duke Energy Progress reaches agreement with North Carolina Public Staff and other stakeholders — PR Newswire · paid press-release wire — this is Duke Energy's own statement
- Who is on the NC Utilities Commission? How do they decide on Duke Energy's rate hikes? — WHQR · U.S. center-left public radio
- Duke Energy Progress (DEP) Rate Increase Talking Points — Sierra Club · U.S. environmental advocacy organization opposing the increase
- Duke agrees to partial rate-case settlement — Business North Carolina · U.S. center-right state business magazine
- NCUC: Public Hearings — North Carolina Utilities Commission · primary source — the state regulatory agency deciding the case
- Attorney General Jeff Jackson Intervenes in Second Duke Energy Rate Case to Save North Carolina Families Another $960 Million — North Carolina Department of Justice · primary source — official release from a party to the case
- NC Utilities Commission approves merger of 2 Duke Energy companies — CBS 17 · U.S. center, Nexstar-owned local TV