Argentina's 2026 Growth Forecast Cut to 2.7% as Central Bank Slows Dollar Buying to Its Lowest Monthly Pace of the Year
Private economists lowered their 2026 growth estimate from 3.5%, and the central bank bought about US$486 million in August while its reserves hit a Milei-era high near US$51 billion; Argentina's next national election is in October 2027.
A Weaker Growth Number and a Stronger Reserve Number, in the Same Week
Two figures came out of Argentina's economy this month, and they point in opposite directions. Private economists surveyed by the country's central bank cut their 2026 growth forecast to about 2.7%, down from the 3.5% they projected back in December[1][2]. Second-quarter output had already shrunk[1]. At the same time, the central bank's dollar reserves hit US$50.912 billion on August 25 — the highest level since September 2019, and a record for President Javier Milei's time in office[4].
Both numbers are real. Neither cancels the other out. And the reason they can both be true at once is the actual story here: Argentina's central bank cannot rebuild its dollar stockpile and hold down inflation at full speed at the same time[3].
Here's the mechanism. When the central bank buys dollars, it pays for them with newly printed pesos. More pesos in circulation tends to push prices up. So buying fewer dollars keeps the peso steadier and helps inflation keep falling. That's exactly what happened in August: the bank bought only about US$486 million for the whole month, its slowest pace of 2026, down sharply from roughly US$103 million a day back in July[3][23]. The government says that's a deliberate choice to protect the inflation trend. Critics say it shows the model can't rebuild reserves and grow at the same time.
The Election That Isn't Happening This October
One claim keeps circulating that doesn't hold up: that Argentina is headed toward an election this October. It isn't. The midterm legislative elections already happened, on October 26, 2025, and Milei's party, La Libertad Avanza, won them decisively — 41% of the vote to the Peronist bloc's 32%, carrying 15 of Argentina's 24 electoral districts[9][16]. The next national vote, the general election, is scheduled for October 24, 2027 — more than a year away[8].
That gap matters. It means the government has over a year to try to turn its reserve build into a recovery voters can actually feel, rather than facing a verdict at the ballot box next month. Even Bloomberg's own growth-downgrade story described the slowdown as a headwind heading into "next year's election," which blurs that distance[1].
The 2025 midterm did give Milei something real: the largest bloc in Argentina's lower house[9][16]. That's part of why his agenda has kept moving through Congress even as his approval ratings have slipped. The Senate passed his labor reforms in February 2026, and a central bank charter reform bill reached a floor vote in the Chamber of Deputies on August 26[13][22].
Washington's Money Is a Loan, Not a Grant — But the Politics Don't Care
The other pressure point sits in Washington. In October 2025, the U.S. Treasury set up a US$20 billion currency swap line for Argentina's central bank, drawing on the Exchange Stabilization Fund, and added another US$872 million in liquidity through IMF-held reserve assets[6]. A swap line works something like a secured line of credit between two central banks: Treasury supplies dollars, gets pesos as collateral in return, and the two sides unwind the trade later. Argentina drew US$2.5 billion against the line and paid it back in full; Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent confirmed the repayment on January 9, 2026[7].
That repayment is the fact the Trump administration leads with: this is standard financial statecraft, not a handout, and Argentina made good on it[7]. But the political framing has run the other way in parts of the U.S. left press. Democracy Now! cast the facility as a "bailout" for a foreign ally at the same time federal workers in the U.S. were being laid off[18]. Just Security called it financial statecraft with weak guardrails[17]. The word choice matters: "bailout" implies a gift, while a swap line is a collateralized facility that gets repaid — Argentina's did.
The exposure is also a live target in Congress. The Senate Banking Committee's top Democrat has formally asked Treasury to wind the facility down[21]. Because the Exchange Stabilization Fund doesn't require a congressional vote to deploy, critics see it as an executive tool operating with less oversight than ordinary foreign aid[6][17].
What Falling Prices Have Cost, and Who's Counting
Step back from the reserves and the swap line, and there's a second, harder-to-reconcile set of facts about daily life in Argentina. Inflation has come down enormously: from 211% annually in 2023 to about 31.5% by late 2025, with forecasters projecting roughly 30% for 2026[11][12]. That's the number the government leads with, and it's genuinely large.
But Al Jazeera's reporting foregrounds a different set of numbers: disability benefits cut for more than 110,000 Argentines, homelessness in Buenos Aires up about 57%, and repeated mass protests over university and hospital funding[12]. Foreign Policy has tied Milei's sagging approval numbers directly to falling real wages and rising unemployment[14]. The Peronist opposition and allied unions argue that a lower inflation number doesn't mean much if wages fell right alongside it — so households aren't necessarily better off, even if the headline rate looks much improved.
Both readings use real data. The disagreement is about which number counts as the outcome that matters: the inflation rate, or what people can afford to buy with what they earn.
A Disputed Poll, and a Disputed Forecast
Even the polling on Milei himself is contested — not just in direction, but in trend. An AtlasIntel survey conducted for Bloomberg between July 30 and August 3, 2026, among 1,120 adults, put his approval at 37.1% and disapproval at 62.4%, near a low point for his term[24]. A separate survey, LatAm Pulse, had shown a rebound to roughly 40% earlier in the year[26]. Two credible pollsters, two different stories about which direction things are moving.
The growth forecasts split the same way. The 2.7% figure comes from private economists in the central bank's own survey[1][2][25]. The International Monetary Fund, in its 2026 review of the Argentine economy, has kept its own forecast at 3.5% — the same number private analysts held back in December, before they cut it[10][19]. If the private forecasters turn out to be right and the IMF's more optimistic number wrong, that's also a mark against the Fund's own track record in Argentina, a country where its lending programs have struggled repeatedly since 2018[19].
Coverage of all this splits by audience as much as by fact. Bloomberg's own headline — "Milei Magic Fades on Slowing Recovery" — leads with the growth downgrade and frames it as fading momentum, without weighing in the same week's reserve record[1]. Infobae, an Argentine business outlet, gives fuller play to the reserve milestone and largely relays the government's own inflation-anchor explanation for the buying slowdown[3][4]. The Cato Institute, a longtime advocate for Milei's policy approach, called the 2025 midterm "a resounding win" for his reform agenda without mentioning that turnout was the lowest in a national Argentine election since 1983[15][9].
What's Actually Fixed, and What Isn't
Some things about this story aren't up for debate. Reserves are higher than they've been since 2019[4]. The 2.5 billion dollar swap drawdown was repaid[7]. Inflation is down from triple digits to roughly 30%[11][12]. Unemployment and real wages have moved against ordinary households over the same stretch[14]. And the next real electoral test isn't in six weeks — it's fourteen months away, in October 2027[8].
What isn't fixed is the trade-off at the center of it: how fast the central bank can keep buying dollars without reigniting the inflation it just spent years bringing down, all while debt payments due in 2026 and 2027 keep the clock running regardless of what happens at the ballot box[3]. The economic team says it still believes roughly US$17 billion in total dollar purchases is achievable for the year, a target now being watched closely by the investors Argentina still needs to keep repaying[3][20]. Whether that number holds is the open question the rest of this year will answer.
Summary
Argentina's economic rebound slowed this summer. Private economists surveyed by the central bank cut their 2026 growth forecast to about 2.7%, down from 3.5% last December[1][2]. Second-quarter output shrank[1]. At the same time, the central bank slowed how fast it buys U.S. dollars. It bought about US$486 million during August, the weakest monthly pace of 2026, after averaging roughly US$103 million a day in July[3][23]. Even so, its gross reserves reached US$50.912 billion on Aug. 25 — the highest level since September 2019 and a record for President Javier Milei's term[4].
Those two facts are the heart of the dispute. Buying dollars is how the bank rebuilds reserves, but it pays for them with newly issued pesos. More pesos in circulation can push prices up. Buying fewer dollars keeps the peso stronger and helps hold inflation down. It also leaves a thinner cushion for the debt payments due in 2026 and 2027[3]. The government says the slowdown is a deliberate choice to protect the inflation trend[3]. Critics say it shows the model cannot rebuild reserves and grow at the same time.
One widely repeated framing needs correcting. Argentina is not heading into an October 2026 election. The midterm legislative elections were held Oct. 26, 2025, and Milei's La Libertad Avanza won them, taking 41% of the vote to the Peronist bloc's 32%[9][16]. The next national vote is the general election of Oct. 24, 2027[8]. Bloomberg described the slowdown as a headwind going into "next year's election"[1].
Washington has a direct financial stake. In October 2025 the Treasury Department set up a US$20 billion currency swap line for Argentina's central bank, funded from the Exchange Stabilization Fund, and added US$872 million in liquidity through IMF-held reserve assets[6]. Argentina drew US$2.5 billion and repaid it; Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent confirmed the repayment in January 2026[7]. Democrats on the Senate Banking Committee have asked Treasury to end the facility[21]. Milei's approval sits near a term low in some polls: AtlasIntel measured 37.1% approval and 62.4% disapproval in a survey of 1,120 adults taken July 30 to Aug. 3, 2026[24].
The Event
Private economists in Argentina's central bank Market Expectations Survey cut their 2026 GDP growth forecast to about 2.7%, from 3.5% in December 2025, after second-quarter output contracted[1][2][25]. Through August, the Banco Central de la República Argentina bought roughly US$486 million in the foreign exchange market, its slowest monthly buying pace of 2026[3][23]. Gross international reserves nonetheless hit US$50.912 billion on Aug. 25, 2026, the highest since September 2019[4]. An AtlasIntel poll for Bloomberg News conducted July 30 to Aug. 3, 2026, among 1,120 adults, put Milei's approval at 37.1% and disapproval at 62.4%[24].
Undisputed Facts
- Private forecasters in the central bank's Market Expectations Survey now project about 2.7% GDP growth for Argentina in 2026, down from 3.5% projected in December 2025[1][2][25].
- Argentine GDP contracted in the second quarter of 2026[1].
- The central bank purchased about US$486 million of foreign currency during August 2026, the lowest monthly total of the year, after averaging roughly US$103 million a day in July[3][23].
- Gross international reserves reached US$50.912 billion on Aug. 25, 2026, the highest level since September 2019[4]. The bank has bought roughly US$13.5 billion during 2026[20].
- In October 2025 the U.S. Treasury established a US$20 billion currency swap line for Argentina's central bank using the Exchange Stabilization Fund, plus US$872 million in liquidity through IMF-held reserve assets[6].
- Argentina drew US$2.5 billion on the swap line and repaid it; Bessent confirmed the repayment on Jan. 9, 2026[7].
- Milei's La Libertad Avanza won the Oct. 26, 2025 midterm legislative elections with 41% of the national vote to the Peronist Fuerza Patria's 32%, carrying 15 of 24 districts; turnout was 67.9%, the lowest in a national election since 1983[9][16].
- Argentina's next national election is the general election scheduled for Oct. 24, 2027[8].
- Annual inflation fell from 211% in 2023 to about 31.5% in late 2025; the REM survey projects roughly 30% for 2026[11][12].
- Argentina's Senate approved Milei-backed labor reforms on Feb. 28, 2026[13].
The Pressure
Strip away the moralizing and blame. What structural realities persist regardless of which narrative wins?
- You cannot anchor the peso and stockpile dollars at the same time
- This is the real constraint, and it explains both headline numbers at once. Buying dollars requires issuing pesos, which feeds inflation. Not buying them protects the inflation trend but slows the reserve build. In August the government chose the inflation trend[3]. Every faction is arguing about which side of that trade-off to take, not about the arithmetic.
- The debt calendar sets the clock, not the election
- Argentina has dollar maturities falling due in 2026 and 2027. The economic team has said it still thinks US$17 billion in purchases this year is feasible because that volume is what supports the financing program[3]. The reserve target is driven by payment dates, which do not move.
- The U.S. exposure is political before it is financial
- The swap line runs through the Exchange Stabilization Fund, which Treasury can deploy without a congressional vote[6]. That is why it draws congressional objection[21] and why Treasury has an interest in publicizing repayments[7]. The reputational stake is larger than the current outstanding balance.
- Milei governs from a stronger legislature than his polls suggest
- Approval near 37% coexists with the largest bloc in the lower house, won in October 2025[9][16][24]. Low personal ratings have not yet blocked legislation: labor reform passed the Senate in February 2026 and a central bank charter reform reached a floor vote in August[13][22].
Material realityTwo verified trends run in opposite directions right now. Growth is weakening — Q2 output shrank and private forecasts fell to about 2.7% from 3.5%[1][2]. Reserves are strengthening — US$50.912 billion on Aug. 25, the highest since September 2019, after roughly US$13.5 billion of purchases this year[4][20]. Inflation is down from 211% in 2023 to a projected 30% for 2026, which is still high by any international standard[11][12]. Unemployment and real wages have moved against households[14]. The U.S. swap line stands at US$20 billion authorized, with the US$2.5 billion drawn already repaid[6][7]. And the political deadline is further out than most coverage implies: the next national vote is Oct. 24, 2027[8]. None of these facts is in serious dispute. What they add up to is.
Narrative as a weaponThree groups are actively shaping how this is read, and the tell is which number each leads with. Milei's government and its allies lead with reserves, the repaid swap and the 2025 midterm margin, and want you to see a stabilization working through a slow quarter. Its domestic and U.S.-left critics lead with wages, unemployment, disability cuts and homelessness, and want you to see disinflation bought with household income and propped up by Washington. Financial-markets coverage leads with the forecast downgrade and reads it as fading momentum. A fourth distortion belongs to no camp: the recurring claim that Argentina faces elections this October. It does not. The midterms were October 2025, and the next national vote is October 2027 — a difference that changes how much time the government has to convert reserves into a recovery voters can feel.
How Each Side Sees It
Each major actor’s view — how it frames things, its underlying incentive, and how it’s materially affected. Tap a side to read it.
Frames it asThe government argues the slowdown in dollar buying is a choice, not a failure. Here is the mechanism it points to. When the central bank buys dollars, it pays with freshly created pesos. More pesos chasing the same goods pushes prices up. So buying fewer dollars is a way to keep the peso steady and keep inflation falling — using the exchange rate as what economists call a nominal anchor, a fixed reference point that stops prices from drifting[3]. The government says the trade-off is worth it because inflation is the tax that hit the poorest hardest, and it has fallen from 211% in 2023 to about 30% projected for 2026[11][12]. Its second argument is that the fundamentals are stronger, not weaker: reserves are at a seven-year high[4], the swap-line drawdown was repaid in full[7], and the 2025 midterm gave the reform program a mandate[16]. Its third is that a slower quarter is the normal cost of stabilization, and that the alternative — the pre-2023 model — produced triple-digit inflation.
WhyTo defend a disinflation record that is the government's core political asset, and to keep external financing cheap by proving Argentina can pay its 2026 and 2027 debt maturities without a crisis[3][7].
Impact on themSlower growth and rising unemployment erode support with more than a year until the October 2027 vote[1][8][14]. A bill to bar the central bank from financing the Treasury cleared committee and went to a Chamber of Deputies vote on Aug. 26, 2026[22].
Frames it asThis side argues the numbers everyone cites measure the wrong things. Inflation fell, they say, but wages fell with it, so households are not better off. They point to concrete losses: benefits cut for more than 110,000 Argentines with disabilities, homelessness in Buenos Aires up about 57%, and repeated mass protests over university and hospital funding[12]. Their strongest structural argument is that the disinflation rests on holding the peso artificially strong, which makes imports cheap and Argentine exports uncompetitive — a pattern they say Argentina has run before and that has always ended in a devaluation the wage-earner pays for. They also argue the February 2026 labor reforms shifted bargaining power away from workers permanently, while the growth benefits were meant to be temporary[13].
WhyTo rebuild a governing coalition after losing the largest bloc in the lower house for the first time since 1989, and to make the 2027 election a referendum on living standards rather than on inflation[9][16].
Impact on themFalling real wages and rising unemployment give the opposition its clearest opening since 2023[14]. But it enters that fight from a weakened institutional position after 2025[9].
Frames it asTreasury's case is that this is standard financial statecraft, not charity. A currency swap line works like a secured overdraft between central banks: Treasury supplies dollars, receives an equivalent value of pesos as collateral, and the two are swapped back later. It is not a grant, and Argentina repaid its US$2.5 billion drawdown[7]. The administration argues that a stable Argentina is a strategic interest — a large economy in the hemisphere aligned with Washington, and an alternative to Chinese lending in the region. Its second argument is precedent: the Exchange Stabilization Fund has been used this way before, most prominently for Mexico in 1995, and that loan was repaid early with interest.
WhyTo keep a close ideological ally in office in South America's second-largest economy, and to demonstrate that the ESF can be deployed as a foreign-policy tool without congressional appropriation[6][17].
Impact on themThe facility is a live domestic political target. The ranking Democrat on the Senate Banking Committee formally asked Treasury to wind it down[21]. Any Argentine currency crisis before 2027 would put the exposure on the front page.
Frames it asThe Fund's position is that the program is working and that a soft patch is not a derailment. It kept a 3.5% growth figure for Argentina in 2026 even as private analysts cut theirs to 2.7%[10][19][1]. Its core argument is that fiscal balance is the precondition for everything else: without a primary surplus, the central bank ends up printing money again, and inflation returns. It treats reserve accumulation as the remaining weak point, and has consistently pressed for more of it — which is precisely why the August buying slowdown draws attention.
WhyArgentina is the Fund's largest borrower. A visible success there validates a lending approach that has failed in Argentina repeatedly since 2018[19].
Impact on themIf private forecasts prove right and the IMF's 3.5% wrong, the Fund's credibility on Argentina takes another hit[10][19].
Frames it asInvestors care less about the growth rate than about whether Argentina can pay in dollars. Their strongest point is that reserves at a seven-year high and a repaid swap drawdown are the relevant signals, and both are positive[4][7]. Their worry runs the other way from the government's: the slower the central bank buys dollars, the smaller the cushion for maturities coming due in 2026 and 2027[3]. So the same August number that the government presents as inflation discipline, this group reads as a delayed reserve build.
WhyTo be repaid on schedule and to see Argentina regain normal access to international debt markets, which would lift the price of bonds they already hold.
Impact on themThe economic team has signaled it still considers US$17 billion in total 2026 purchases feasible, a target investors are watching directly[3].
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The Bias Ledger average rating 5
The same story, as framed by outlets across the spectrum, ordered least to most biased. The bias score (1 = straight, 10 = heavily spun) is an AI assessment of that framing — click an outlet to see its track record. The tell is the word choice or omission that reveals the angle.
| Outlet | Vantage | Bias | How they frame it | The tell |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Reuters | U.S./U.K. center wire | 1 | "Argentina analysts cut 2026 growth forecast, inflation outlook dips" — reports both directions of the survey in the headline. | Minimal framing; the headline pairs the bad number with the good one. Little interpretive context on why the two move together. |
| Bloomberg | U.S. center, financial-markets audience | 4 | "Argentina Economy: Milei Magic Fades on Slowing Recovery" — leads on the growth downgrade to 2.7% and ties it to political headwinds. | "Magic fades" is a characterization, not a measurement. The piece correctly places the election in 2027, but the momentum frame leaves out that reserves hit a seven-year high the same week. |
| Infobae | Argentine, center-right, business-oriented | 4 | Runs both stories: reserves near US$51 billion at a Milei-era high, and separately why August could close as 2026's weakest dollar-buying month. | The record-reserves framing gets the fuller treatment. The buying slowdown is presented mainly through the government's own explanation — anchoring the exchange rate to hold down inflation — with less space for the reserve-cushion critique. |
| Foreign Policy | U.S. center-left, foreign-affairs establishment | 5 | "Argentina: Milei Faces Protests, Sagging Poll Numbers Over Economy" — links approval decline to falling real wages and unemployment. | Frames poll decline as caused by austerity specifically, when disinflation, recession and corruption scandals are all in the same data. Causation asserted where the polling shows correlation. |
| Al Jazeera | Qatari state-funded | 6 | "Argentina's 'Madman': Inside the world of Javier Milei" and protest coverage; measures the program by disability benefits cut, homelessness and street mobilization. | The macro numbers Milei's side leads with — reserves, the fiscal surplus, disinflation from 211% — appear as context rather than as results. The outcome variable is chosen before the reporting starts. |
| Cato Institute (Opinion) | U.S. libertarian think tank; funded by libertarian donors and foundations, long-standing advocate of the policy mix Milei adopted | 7 | "A Resounding Win for Milei's Reform Agenda in Argentina" — reads the 2025 midterm as a popular mandate for the program. | Omits that turnout was 67.9%, the lowest since 1983, which complicates any mandate claim. Also an interested party: Cato promoted these policies before Milei implemented them. |
| Democracy Now! | U.S. left, listener/foundation-funded | 8 | "Why Is Trump Bailing Out Argentina's President Milei While Firing Thousands of Workers in U.S.?" — poses the swap line as a domestic betrayal. | "Bailing out" describes a repayable, collateralized swap as a gift. The headline is a rhetorical question, and the juxtaposition with federal layoffs implies a budget trade-off that does not exist — the ESF is not appropriated money. |
References
- Argentina Economy: Milei Magic Fades on Slowing Recovery — Bloomberg · U.S. center, financial-markets audience; subscription/terminal-funded
- Milei's magic fades on Argentina's slowing economic recovery — Buenos Aires Times · Argentine English-language paper, centrist to center-left, carries Bloomberg copy
- Reservas del Banco Central: por qué agosto podría cerrar con la compra de dólares más baja de 2026 — Infobae · Argentine, center-right, business-oriented, privately owned
- Las reservas del Banco Central se acercaron a los USD 51.000 millones y volvieron a marcar un máximo en la era Milei — Infobae · Argentine, center-right, business-oriented
- Milei Economic Model Shows Signs of Strain in Argentina — The Rio Times · Brazil-based English-language outlet, market-friendly/right-leaning editorial line
- U.S. Financial Support to Argentina (CRS Report R48780) — Congressional Research Service · Nonpartisan U.S. congressional research arm; serves members of both parties, does not make recommendations
- Bessent Says Argentina Repaid Drawdown on $20 Billion Swap Line — Bloomberg · U.S. center, financial-markets audience
- 2027 Argentine general election — Wikipedia · Volunteer-edited encyclopedia; used here only for the scheduled election date
- 2025 Argentine legislative election — Wikipedia · Volunteer-edited encyclopedia; used here for certified vote shares and turnout
- IMF confirms 3.5% growth forecast for Argentina in 2026 — Buenos Aires Times · Argentine English-language paper, centrist to center-left
- Market Expectations Survey (REM) — Banco Central de la República Argentina · Argentine central bank; primary source, but an institution whose own policy is under review
- Argentina's 'Madman': Inside the world of Javier Milei — Al Jazeera · Qatari state-funded
- Argentina Senate approves contentious Milei-backed labour reforms — Al Jazeera · Qatari state-funded
- Argentina: Milei Faces Protests, Sagging Poll Numbers Over Economy — Foreign Policy · U.S. center-left foreign-affairs magazine, Graham Holdings-owned
- A Resounding Win for Milei's Reform Agenda in Argentina — Cato Institute · U.S. libertarian think tank funded by libertarian donors; advocate of the policies it is assessing
- REACTION: Milei's Decisive Midterm Election Victory — Americas Quarterly · Published by Americas Society/Council of the Americas, a U.S. corporate-membership body favoring open markets in the region
- Tariffs, the Argentina Bailout, and the Perils of Financial Statecraft — Just Security · U.S. law-and-policy forum based at NYU School of Law; center-left, critical of executive-power expansion
- Why Is Trump Bailing Out Argentina's President Milei While Firing Thousands of Workers in U.S.? — Democracy Now! · U.S. left, listener- and foundation-funded independent broadcast
- Argentina: Staff Report for the 2026 Article IV Consultation — International Monetary Fund · Multilateral lender; Argentina's largest creditor and therefore an interested party in the program's success
- Argentina's Central Bank Reserves Reach a Record US$50.655 Billion — The Rio Times · Brazil-based English-language outlet, market-friendly/right-leaning editorial line
- Top Democrat on Senate committee asks Treasury to end $20 billion swap line to Argentina — Reuters · U.K.-based international wire, center
- Report Warns Argentina Central Bank Reform Could Unlock Borrowing Against Reserves — The Rio Times · Brazil-based English-language outlet, market-friendly/right-leaning editorial line
- El BCRA y las compras de dólares: llegan a su nivel más bajo en el 2026 para frenar la inflación — Diario Río Negro · Argentine regional daily, Patagonia; independent, generally centrist
- Public Polls — LatAm Pulse — AtlasIntel · Brazilian commercial pollster; conducts LatAm Pulse under contract to Bloomberg News
- Argentina analysts cut 2026 growth forecast, inflation outlook dips — Reuters · U.K.-based international wire, center
- Why Are Milei's Approval Ratings Falling in Argentina? — Inter-American Dialogue · Washington policy forum funded by corporations, foundations and governments; broadly pro-market, center